L' Economist: «Berlusconi, l'uomo che ha fregato un intero Paese»
Per il settimanale britannico «serve un cambio di governo per tornare a crescere». Otto anni fa definì il Cavaliere «inadatto a governare»
MILANO -«The man who screwed an entire country» l' uomo che ha fottuto un intero Paese». L'Economist torna ad attaccare Silvio Berlusconi bocciandone senza appello la politica di governo. Il presidente del Consiglio italiano è tornato in copertina del settimanale britannico in uscita venerdì, a otto anni dal celeberrimo «unfit to lead Italy», inadatto a governare l'Italia, e a cinque dall'altrettanto polemico «E' tempo di licenziarlo». L'occasione di quest'ultima «cover story» è la pubblicazione di uno speciale di 16 pagine sull'Italia realizzato per l'anniversario dei 150 anni. L'analisi di John Prideaux, autore del rapporto, lascia emergere un Paese fermo che paga con la «crescita zero» le mancate riforme. «L'Italia ha tutte le cose che le servono per ripartire, quello che serve è un cambio di governo».
L'EDITORIALE - «Nonostante i suoi successi personali Berlusconi si è rivelato tre volte un disastro come leader nazionale», si legge nell'editoriale. Il primo disastro è la «saga» del bunga bunga e il secondo sono le vicende che hanno premier in Tribunale rispondere di frode, truffa contabile e corruzione. «I suoi difensori - spiega l'Economist - dicono che non è mai stato condannato ma questo non è vero. In molti casi si è arrivati a delle condanne ma queste sono state spazzate via» o per via della decorrenza dei termini o «in almeno due casi perchè Berlusconi stesso ha cambiato la legge a suo favore». «Ma il terzo difetto è di gran lunga il peggiore - continua l'Economist - e questo è il totale disinteresse per la condizione economica del paese. Forse perchè distratto dai suoi problemi legali, in nove anni come primo ministro non è stato in grado di trovare un rimedio o quanto meno di ammettere lo stato di grave debolezza economica dell'Italia. Il risultato è che si lascerà alle spalle un paese in grave difficoltà. La malattia dell'Italia non è quelle di tipo acuto; si tratta piuttosto di una malattia cronica, che pian piano mangia via la vitalità». Se fino ad ora, «grazie alla linea del rigore fiscale imposta dal ministro delle finanze Giulio Tremonti» l'Italia è riuscita e evitare di diventare la nuova vittima della speculazione dei mercati, questo non significa che la linea di credito sia infinita. Un'Italia stagnante e non riformata, con un debito pubblico ancorato attorno al 120% del pil, si ritroverebbe così esposta come il vero problema dell'eurozona. Il colpevole? «Berlusconi, che non ci sono dubbi, continuerebbe a sorridere» conclude l'Economist.
IL RAPPORTO - «Non farò l'errore di predire la fine di Berlusconi - ha detto l'analista incontrando la stampa a Milano - ma arrivando qui, parlando con le persone si inizia a sentire un'aria nuova, la fine di un'era».«L'Italia ha un problema di produttività, ha bisogno di alcune riforme. Se guardiamo agli ultimi dieci anni e più, dimenticando tutti gli scandali, lo scontro con i magistrati, il problema è c'è stato un disastro da un punto di vista economico. Berlusconi è arrivato al potere con l'idea di essere un imprenditore di successo in grado di fare le riforme economiche, ma poi non le ha fatte» e il Paese «ha sprecato» tempo prezioso.
BASSA CRESCITA - Il nostro Paese ha avuto il «più basso tasso di crescita di tutti gli altri Paesi del mondo occidentale. Tra il 2000 e il 2010, il Pil italiano è cresciuto in media dello 0,25% all'anno, una dato allarmante - scrive l'Economist - migliore solo rispetto a quello di Haiti o dello Zimbawe». E nonostate l'Italia «abbia saputo evitare il peggio durante la recente crisi finanziaria globale, non ci sono segnali di una possibile inversione di tendenza».
GERONTOCRAZIA - Nonostante i problemi che appaiono per lo più legati alla fase politica, l'Italia resta un «Paese civilizzato, ricco, senza conflitti». Il «successore di Berlusconi potrebbe introdure alcuni immediati miglioramenti con poco sforzo» e dovrà sicuramente metter mano alla legislazione sul lavoro «che favorisce gli anziani». L'Italia è afflitta tra le altre cose da una «gerontocrazia istituzionalizzata» che rende difficile ai giovani costruirsi una carriera. Tanto che dobbiamo porci il problema di come «richiamare migliaia di giovani di talento che sono emigrati e potrebbero avere un impatto positivo per il Paese».
Paola Pica
09 giugno 2011(ultima modifica: 10 giugno 2011)© RIPRODUZIONE RISERVATA
corriere.it
Economist: Berlusconi, l'uomo che ha fregato un intero Paese
Moderatori: Bud, NinoMed, Lilleuro
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- Forumino Malatissimo
- Messaggi: 1760
- Iscritto il: 11/05/2011, 13:54
"Nani su iddi e vvonnu a tutti nani;
Nci vannu terra terra, peri e mmani;
E pa malignità brutta e superba,
Ccà non crisci chi erba, erba, erba"
(Nicola Giunta)
Nci vannu terra terra, peri e mmani;
E pa malignità brutta e superba,
Ccà non crisci chi erba, erba, erba"
(Nicola Giunta)
Miranda ha scritto:Hanno usato proprio questo termine?! screwed
ahahahahah devono essere troppo colpiti allora
Ovviamente THe Economist e' l'organo ufficiale dei comunisti inglesi
-
- Forumino Malatissimo
- Messaggi: 1760
- Iscritto il: 11/05/2011, 13:54
ùmubald ha scritto:Miranda ha scritto:Hanno usato proprio questo termine?! screwed
ahahahahah devono essere troppo colpiti allora
Ovviamente THe Economist e' l'organo ufficiale dei comunisti inglesi
Il famoso The eCommunist!
"Nani su iddi e vvonnu a tutti nani;
Nci vannu terra terra, peri e mmani;
E pa malignità brutta e superba,
Ccà non crisci chi erba, erba, erba"
(Nicola Giunta)
Nci vannu terra terra, peri e mmani;
E pa malignità brutta e superba,
Ccà non crisci chi erba, erba, erba"
(Nicola Giunta)
- Ninco Nanco
- Forumino Praticante
- Messaggi: 260
- Iscritto il: 11/05/2011, 13:52
lungi da me l'intenzione di difendere il buon silvio, ma gli inglesi avi 150 anni chi non si fannu i cxxxi soi...
"I mafiosi non avrebbero cittadinanza in Italia se non ci fosse il potere politico e finanziario che gli permette di esistere."
Giuseppe Fava, ucciso il 5 gennaio 1984.
http://www.regno.fm" onclick="window.open(this.href);return false;
Giuseppe Fava, ucciso il 5 gennaio 1984.
http://www.regno.fm" onclick="window.open(this.href);return false;
- UnicaPassione
- Forumino Praticante
- Messaggi: 254
- Iscritto il: 11/05/2011, 15:19
- Località: Sempri peri peri!
Ninco Nanco ha scritto:lungi da me l'intenzione di difendere il buon silvio, ma gli inglesi avi 150 anni chi non si fannu i cxxxi soi...
E' quello che penso anch'io. Ma non mu ndi brake the balls!
IO NON TIFO PER UN'AZIENDA!
UnicaPassione ha scritto:Ninco Nanco ha scritto:lungi da me l'intenzione di difendere il buon silvio, ma gli inglesi avi 150 anni chi non si fannu i cxxxi soi...
E' quello che penso anch'io. Ma non mu ndi brake the balls!
Si',ma visto che lui dice e' un grande sostenitore delle economie occidentali,di cui gli inglesi sono una parte di grande importanza,si stanno facendo i c....loro visto che come testimonial e' un autentico disastro
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- Forumino Malatissimo
- Messaggi: 1760
- Iscritto il: 11/05/2011, 13:54
only Zimbabwe and Haiti had lower GDP growth than Italy in the decade to 2010. In fact GDP per head in Italy actually fell. Lack of growth means that, despite Mr Tremonti, the public debt is still 120% of GDP, the rich world’s third-biggest. This is all the more worrying given the rapid ageing of Italy’s population.
An unreformed and stagnant Italy, with a public debt stuck at over 120% of GDP, would then find itself exposed as the biggest backmarker in the euro. The culprit? Mr Berlusconi, who will no doubt be smiling still.
Eh si... c'è di che prendersela con gli inglesi...
An unreformed and stagnant Italy, with a public debt stuck at over 120% of GDP, would then find itself exposed as the biggest backmarker in the euro. The culprit? Mr Berlusconi, who will no doubt be smiling still.
Eh si... c'è di che prendersela con gli inglesi...
"Nani su iddi e vvonnu a tutti nani;
Nci vannu terra terra, peri e mmani;
E pa malignità brutta e superba,
Ccà non crisci chi erba, erba, erba"
(Nicola Giunta)
Nci vannu terra terra, peri e mmani;
E pa malignità brutta e superba,
Ccà non crisci chi erba, erba, erba"
(Nicola Giunta)
- eddiegraces
- Forumino Praticante
- Messaggi: 294
- Iscritto il: 11/05/2011, 14:16
Non ce ne è rimasto uno a difendere il buon Silvio.
Eppure molti n questo forum l'hanno votato.
Più volte
Ripetutamente
E non solo questo.
Lo idolatravano, lo chiamavano invincibile...
Che tristezza veder finire le storie d'amore
Eppure molti n questo forum l'hanno votato.
Più volte
Ripetutamente
E non solo questo.
Lo idolatravano, lo chiamavano invincibile...
Che tristezza veder finire le storie d'amore
- chi è che ha causato questa mancanza di soldi all'interno del comune?
- La prima giunta Scopelliti aveva ricevuto in lascito dei conti disastrosi dalla precedente gestione Falcomatà Naccari.
- Ah
- La prima giunta Scopelliti aveva ricevuto in lascito dei conti disastrosi dalla precedente gestione Falcomatà Naccari.
- Ah
-
- Non c'è nenti!
- Messaggi: 4467
- Iscritto il: 12/05/2011, 19:30
- Località: l'isola che non c'è
eddiegraces ha scritto:Non ce ne è rimasto uno a difendere il buon Silvio.
Eppure molti n questo forum l'hanno votato.
Più volte
Ripetutamente
E non solo questo.
Lo idolatravano, lo chiamavano invincibile...
Che tristezza veder finire le storie d'amore
sembrano passati anni,da quelle famose frasi:"ve lo dovete sucare per altri vent'anni,il popolo lo vuole","Berlusconi è il meno peggio","la politica di Berlusconi è la politica dei fatti","Berlusconi è un grande comunicatore,e l'unico che è stato capace di dare stabilità al proprio governo".Eppure,saranno passati si e no,qualche mese,è proprio vero,quando la nave affonda i topi scappano.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-JQINuybHL4" onclick="window.open(this.href);return false;
- Regmi
- Non c'è nenti!
- Messaggi: 4207
- Iscritto il: 11/05/2011, 16:55
Per chi volesse leggerlo posto un'altro pezzo di quel giornaletto ciclostilato in proprio che distribuiscono (per giunta in inglese in modo che pochi capiscano) solo nei centri sociali italiani.
http://www.economist.com/node/18780867
WHAT DO THE following countries have in common: Madagascar, Bahamas, Kiribati, Togo, Brunei, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Central African Republic, Haiti, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, Eritrea and Zimbabwe? Their economies all performed worse than Italy’s over the past decade in terms of growth per person. This is not the sort of company that Italy is accustomed to keeping, but unless it can shake off its torpor it may have to get used to such unflattering comparisons.
Silvio Berlusconi has been the dominant figure in Italian politics for 17 years, more than a tenth of Italy’s life as a nation. To attribute too much praise or blame to him for the state of Italy today is to exaggerate the power of one man, even a billionaire who has used his money to create his own political party, reached the country’s highest elected office and then used it to preserve his interests. If Italy is a patient with some peculiar complaints, Mr Berlusconi is more symptom than cause. Still, to some extent he has shaped the country in his image. Though he jokes about living until well past 100, at 74 he is now in the twilight of his political career. He recently hinted that he will stand down in 2013. What will he leave behind?
When he first became prime minister in 1994 his pitch was simple. He would use his entrepreneurial skills to get Italy moving again, and he would inspire by his own example: the hard-working boy who excelled at his legal studies and built a commercial empire, proving that the American dream could come true in Italy. “When my morale is low, I put my hands in my pockets and go for a walk in Milano 2 [one of his property developments],” Mr Berlusconi once told an interviewer. “I remember how many people were against me…Theirs was a political and bureaucratic machine perfectly designed to impede, to prohibit, to delay and to hinder.”
Italy’s poor economic performance is sufficient evidence of his failure to sweep away that machine. With hindsight it is clear that he never intended to do so. On the way up, Mr Berlusconi was too big a beneficiary of political and bureaucratic cronyism to regard it as his enemy: the key change to the law that allowed his television network to broadcast nationwide was made by Bettino Craxi, a former prime minister who was also godfather to one of Mr Berlusconi’s children. The prime minister has proved repeatedly that he is not an economic liberal.
He has, however, been assiduous in carrying out the second part of his promise: inspiration by example. In 2001 “An Italian Story”, a short hagiography of Mr Berlusconi, was distributed to 15m homes. The hero of this tale is a brilliant businessman and good family man who came from nowhere to achieve great success and is now determined to give something back to his country.
Despite all his trials for bribery and fraud, as well as the one currently in progress for paying an underage prostitute for sex, about 30% of Italy’s electorate still support him. They are disproportionately old and female and live in small towns, according to Nando Pagnoncelli of Ipsos MORI, a polling company. They watch a lot of television but do not read newspapers. Many of them do not believe there is any truth in the accusations against the prime minister.
In government Mr Berlusconi’s achievements have been unimpressive, given the power he has enjoyed. One reason for this is that business interests and legal troubles have absorbed his energies and distracted the government. In local polls in Milan and Naples last month Mr Berlusconi’s party performed abysmally. The decline is his ratings reflects a widespread view that a politician who once claimed to be able to cut through bureaucracy and get things done is now bogged down in a personal battle with the courts which has turned into an obsession for him. His approval ratings rose after an earthquake in L’Aquila two years ago which he was seen to have handled well, but then tumbled when the promised action did not materialise. The town centre there is still barred to property owners and residents. Contracts for making the buildings safe are, not surprisingly, being handed out without competition. Mr Berlusconi’s generous personal gift of cash to L’Aquila’s rugby club has not atoned for this.
It was, though, characteristic of Mr Berlusconi’s style of government. On a recent visit to Lampedusa, the island overwhelmed by the arrival of North African refugees, he declared that the parched outcrop would become a new Capri and announced he would buy a villa there. “Berlusconi is pathologically inclined to please other people; he needs their affection,” says Giuliano Ferrara, editor of Il Foglio (funded by Mr Berlusconi), presenter of a talk-show on RAI and briefly a cabinet minister under Mr Berlusconi. “He needs to come to terms with this with his analyst.” This streak affects the way decisions are made. “Berlusconi says yes to everything and then Tremonti [the finance minister] says no,” says another former cabinet minister, who thinks Mr Berlusconi has damaged Italy but nevertheless describes him as “charming, magnetic, one of the most intelligent people I have met”.
The fundamental defect of Mr Berlusconi’s governing style is that he often confuses private interests with public ones. This is most obvious when using the power of his office to protect himself from foreign competitors to his business or from prosecutors (some years ago he took this newspaper to court for publishing an investigation into some of his business dealings). But it has also defined Italy’s recent foreign policy. As the leading western European provider of blue helmets to UN peacekeeping operations, Italy has a good story to tell, but Italy’s two most distinctive positions in recent years have been determined by Mr Berlusconi’s friendships. Italy long offered unquestioning support for Muammar Qaddafi in Libya. It has now changed tack, but Mr Berlusconi has said in private that he is “mourning” for Colonel Qaddafi. Italy has also taken an odd stance towards Russia, taking every opportunity to stand up for Mr Berlusconi’s friend and fellow prime minister, Vladimir Putin. “Even the foreign minister admits to wielding no influence on Berlusconi on Russia,” wrote the author of the cables sent from America’s embassy in Rome and published on WikiLeaks last year.
In all, Mr Berlusconi’s legacy will be the further weakening of institutions that were not strong to begin with, and an even greater tolerance for damaging conflicts of interest. Fifteen years of verbal assaults on Italy’s courts have left many people believing that the legal system is a conspiracy of diehard leftists trying to undermine the government. Mr Berlusconi and his supporters have buttressed these attacks by falsely claiming that he has never been convicted of anything and that he was never in any trouble with the courts before he went into politics. In 1990 Mr Berlusconi was convicted of lying in court but avoided jail on a technicality. On several occasions since then he has been saved by time limits on prosecutions. Meanwhile the difficult reforms required to make Italy grow have been put aside.
There is a positive side to all these omissions: Italy’s recent underperformance leaves room for a vast improvement with a relatively small amount of effort. Most of the reforms that the country needs to introduce in order to get going again are tweaks to microeconomic policy that would not cost much. Reforming the labour laws would be a good place to start. In their book “A New Contract for All”, Tito Boeri and Pietro Garibaldi have outlined how this might be done: by creating a single contract for all workers, with privileges increasing in stages. The European Commission and its single-market directives provide plenty of political cover for Italy to push towards greater liberalisation. Politicians should make the most of it. Who knows, one day voters might even reward them for being brave.
http://www.economist.com/node/18780867
WHAT DO THE following countries have in common: Madagascar, Bahamas, Kiribati, Togo, Brunei, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Central African Republic, Haiti, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, Eritrea and Zimbabwe? Their economies all performed worse than Italy’s over the past decade in terms of growth per person. This is not the sort of company that Italy is accustomed to keeping, but unless it can shake off its torpor it may have to get used to such unflattering comparisons.
Silvio Berlusconi has been the dominant figure in Italian politics for 17 years, more than a tenth of Italy’s life as a nation. To attribute too much praise or blame to him for the state of Italy today is to exaggerate the power of one man, even a billionaire who has used his money to create his own political party, reached the country’s highest elected office and then used it to preserve his interests. If Italy is a patient with some peculiar complaints, Mr Berlusconi is more symptom than cause. Still, to some extent he has shaped the country in his image. Though he jokes about living until well past 100, at 74 he is now in the twilight of his political career. He recently hinted that he will stand down in 2013. What will he leave behind?
When he first became prime minister in 1994 his pitch was simple. He would use his entrepreneurial skills to get Italy moving again, and he would inspire by his own example: the hard-working boy who excelled at his legal studies and built a commercial empire, proving that the American dream could come true in Italy. “When my morale is low, I put my hands in my pockets and go for a walk in Milano 2 [one of his property developments],” Mr Berlusconi once told an interviewer. “I remember how many people were against me…Theirs was a political and bureaucratic machine perfectly designed to impede, to prohibit, to delay and to hinder.”
Italy’s poor economic performance is sufficient evidence of his failure to sweep away that machine. With hindsight it is clear that he never intended to do so. On the way up, Mr Berlusconi was too big a beneficiary of political and bureaucratic cronyism to regard it as his enemy: the key change to the law that allowed his television network to broadcast nationwide was made by Bettino Craxi, a former prime minister who was also godfather to one of Mr Berlusconi’s children. The prime minister has proved repeatedly that he is not an economic liberal.
He has, however, been assiduous in carrying out the second part of his promise: inspiration by example. In 2001 “An Italian Story”, a short hagiography of Mr Berlusconi, was distributed to 15m homes. The hero of this tale is a brilliant businessman and good family man who came from nowhere to achieve great success and is now determined to give something back to his country.
Despite all his trials for bribery and fraud, as well as the one currently in progress for paying an underage prostitute for sex, about 30% of Italy’s electorate still support him. They are disproportionately old and female and live in small towns, according to Nando Pagnoncelli of Ipsos MORI, a polling company. They watch a lot of television but do not read newspapers. Many of them do not believe there is any truth in the accusations against the prime minister.
In government Mr Berlusconi’s achievements have been unimpressive, given the power he has enjoyed. One reason for this is that business interests and legal troubles have absorbed his energies and distracted the government. In local polls in Milan and Naples last month Mr Berlusconi’s party performed abysmally. The decline is his ratings reflects a widespread view that a politician who once claimed to be able to cut through bureaucracy and get things done is now bogged down in a personal battle with the courts which has turned into an obsession for him. His approval ratings rose after an earthquake in L’Aquila two years ago which he was seen to have handled well, but then tumbled when the promised action did not materialise. The town centre there is still barred to property owners and residents. Contracts for making the buildings safe are, not surprisingly, being handed out without competition. Mr Berlusconi’s generous personal gift of cash to L’Aquila’s rugby club has not atoned for this.
It was, though, characteristic of Mr Berlusconi’s style of government. On a recent visit to Lampedusa, the island overwhelmed by the arrival of North African refugees, he declared that the parched outcrop would become a new Capri and announced he would buy a villa there. “Berlusconi is pathologically inclined to please other people; he needs their affection,” says Giuliano Ferrara, editor of Il Foglio (funded by Mr Berlusconi), presenter of a talk-show on RAI and briefly a cabinet minister under Mr Berlusconi. “He needs to come to terms with this with his analyst.” This streak affects the way decisions are made. “Berlusconi says yes to everything and then Tremonti [the finance minister] says no,” says another former cabinet minister, who thinks Mr Berlusconi has damaged Italy but nevertheless describes him as “charming, magnetic, one of the most intelligent people I have met”.
The fundamental defect of Mr Berlusconi’s governing style is that he often confuses private interests with public ones. This is most obvious when using the power of his office to protect himself from foreign competitors to his business or from prosecutors (some years ago he took this newspaper to court for publishing an investigation into some of his business dealings). But it has also defined Italy’s recent foreign policy. As the leading western European provider of blue helmets to UN peacekeeping operations, Italy has a good story to tell, but Italy’s two most distinctive positions in recent years have been determined by Mr Berlusconi’s friendships. Italy long offered unquestioning support for Muammar Qaddafi in Libya. It has now changed tack, but Mr Berlusconi has said in private that he is “mourning” for Colonel Qaddafi. Italy has also taken an odd stance towards Russia, taking every opportunity to stand up for Mr Berlusconi’s friend and fellow prime minister, Vladimir Putin. “Even the foreign minister admits to wielding no influence on Berlusconi on Russia,” wrote the author of the cables sent from America’s embassy in Rome and published on WikiLeaks last year.
In all, Mr Berlusconi’s legacy will be the further weakening of institutions that were not strong to begin with, and an even greater tolerance for damaging conflicts of interest. Fifteen years of verbal assaults on Italy’s courts have left many people believing that the legal system is a conspiracy of diehard leftists trying to undermine the government. Mr Berlusconi and his supporters have buttressed these attacks by falsely claiming that he has never been convicted of anything and that he was never in any trouble with the courts before he went into politics. In 1990 Mr Berlusconi was convicted of lying in court but avoided jail on a technicality. On several occasions since then he has been saved by time limits on prosecutions. Meanwhile the difficult reforms required to make Italy grow have been put aside.
There is a positive side to all these omissions: Italy’s recent underperformance leaves room for a vast improvement with a relatively small amount of effort. Most of the reforms that the country needs to introduce in order to get going again are tweaks to microeconomic policy that would not cost much. Reforming the labour laws would be a good place to start. In their book “A New Contract for All”, Tito Boeri and Pietro Garibaldi have outlined how this might be done: by creating a single contract for all workers, with privileges increasing in stages. The European Commission and its single-market directives provide plenty of political cover for Italy to push towards greater liberalisation. Politicians should make the most of it. Who knows, one day voters might even reward them for being brave.
La speranza appartiene ai figli.
Noi adulti abbiamo già sperato e quasi sempre perso.
Noi adulti abbiamo già sperato e quasi sempre perso.